Tuesday, August 30, 2011

Anna Hazare Ends Fast (2)

During these two weeks or so Mahatma Gandhi's name was as much on people's lips as, I think, never before since independence. Many, if not all, regard Anna Hazare as 'aaj ka (today's) Mahatma Gandhi'. Gandhi is very much alive, not dead. Whether he is really today's Gandhi depends on the definition of Gandhiism. As for me I would say 'yes', although not completely without doubt.
People watching him on the stage at the Ramlila Maidan, Delhi, may have noticed that he was almost alone, not in the sense that he has no followers, who were millions, but in the sense that he is the sole leader, and everybody else, including the now fearless members of the "Team Anna", has to consult him. True, Gandhi may have been in a similar position on a number of occasions. But he was backed by legitimate resolutions by the AICC, CWC or the whole Congress Sessions as the case may be, though many of them were drafted by himself. In other words here was no organization to speak of whereas there was one there. Is it democratic?
Aruna Roy, the social activist, goes further. She questions the way Anna is forcing a deadline to the Parliament for passing his Jan Lokpal Bill, and fears that the 'structure' would be shaken by this method. She says that the Parliamentary Standing Committee(on Personnel, Public Grievances, Law and Justice) instead should be trusted to draft a Bill, adding that, in the case of the Right to Information Act of 2005, the original Government Bill left much to be desired, but as many as 153 amendments were written into it in the Committee. The Government, by the way, had submitted its Lokpal Bill to the said Committee on 8 August 'for examination and report within three months'.
What Aruna Roy and many others are seriously worried about, though they are agreeable to the people's grievances, is a question of satyagraha vs.parliamentary legislation. Here comes an opportunity to listen to what Gandhi himself said on the subject, in his interview to N.G.Ranga on 29 October 1944.
He said, 'Civil disobedience and non-co-operation are designed for use when people, i.e., the tillers of the soil, have no political power. But immediately they have political power, naturally their grievances, whatever their character, will be ameliorated through legislative channels...If the legislature proves itself to be incapable of safeguarding kisans' interests they will of course always have the sovereign remedy of civil disobedience and non-co-operation. But...ultimately, it is not paper legislation nor brave words or fiery speeches, but the power of non-violent organization, discipline and sacrifice that constitutes the real bulwark of the people against injustice or oppression'.
So Gandhi was clearly saying that ordinarily satyagraha will not be the legitimate means of political struggle once democratic institutions have been installed, but there are occasions when they will have to be resorted to. This writer is of the view that the past two weeks have been one such occasion which has been proved by the tremendous response on the part of the people. Anna has, at least to that extent, acted as a Gandhian.
Anna decided to break his fast in the evening of 27 August, his Day 12, on receiving a letter from the Prime Minister accepting some of his demands, broke the fast the next morning, and was hospitalized at Gurgaon.
It is yet to be seen if the past two weeks have been enough to effect changes with the Passport Office, traffic and border police, etc., or if a single Bill, let alone a 'paper legislation', is going to be enough to take on larger public crimes.

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